ADRIAN: Author of an extant Introduction to the Holy Scriptures, written in Greek. He was evidently a Greek-speaking Syrian; but nothing is to be learned of his life from the book. There is no doubt, however, that he is identical with the monk and presbyter Adrian to whom St. Nilus addressed three letters (ii. 60, iii. 118, 266, in MPG, lxxix. 225-227, 437, 516-517), and who lived in the first half of the fifth century. This work is no introduction in the modern sense, but a piece of Biblical rhetoric and didactics, aiming to explain the figurative phraseology of the Scriptures, especially of the Old Testament, from numerous examples. It closes with hints for correct exegesis. The hermeneutical and exegetical principles of the author are those of the Antiochian school. F. Gössling edited the Greek text with German translation and an introduction (Berlin, 1887).
BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Merx, Rede von Auslegen, pp. 64-67, Halle, 1879.
ADRIAN: The name of six popes.
Adrian I.: Pope 772-795. A Roman of noble birth, he entered the clerical state under Paul I., and was ordained deacon by Stephen III., whom he succeeded Feb. 1, 772, not, apparently, by as unanimous a choice as the official record of his election asserts; for soon afterward he encountered vehement opposition from the Lombard party in Rome led by Paul Afiarta. His adherence to the Frankish faction, his hesitation to crown the sons of Karlman, who had fled to Pavia, and thus to set them up as pretenders against Charlemagne, and the imprisonment of Afiarta by Archbishop Leo of Ravenna at his orders incited the Lombard king Desiderius to invade the Roman territory, and finally to march on Rome itself. Adrian appealed for help to Charlemagne, who arrived in Italy in Sept., 773, and forced Desiderius to shut himself up in Pavia.
Aided by Charlemagne. During the siege of that town, which lasted till the following June, Charlemagne suddenly appeared unannounced in Rome. Adrian, though alarmed, gave him a brilliant reception. On Apr. 6 a meeting took place in St. Peter's, at which, according to the Vita Hadriani, the emperor was exhorted by the pope to confirm the donation of his father, Pepin, and did so, even making some additions of territory. This donation,which rests solely upon the authority of the Vita (xli.-xliii.), if substantiated, has a great importance for the development of the temporal sovereignty of the popes. The question has received much attention, and its literature is scarcely exceeded in bulk by that of any other medieval controversy. No sure and universally recognized result, however, has been reached. Some modern historians (Sybel, Ranke, Martens) consider the story a pure invention; others (Ficker, Duchesne) accept it; and a middle theory of partial interpolation has also been upheld (Scheffer-Boichorst). All that can be maintained with certainty is that Charlemagne gave a promise of a donation, and the geographical delimitations give rise to difficult problems.
Disagreements with Charlemagne. In the years immediately following Charlemagne's return from Italy, his friendly relations with Adrian were disturbed by more than one occurrence. Archbishop Leo of Ravenna seized some cities from the pope, who complained to Charlemagne; but Leo visited the Frankish court to defend himself, and met with a not unfavorable reception. Charlemagne's keen insight can not have failed to read imperfectly masked covetousness between the lines of Adrian's repeated requests for the final fulfillment of the promise of 774; e.g., in the hope held out of a heavenly reward if he should enlarge the Church's possessions; in the profuse congratulations on his victory over the Saxons, which was attributed to the intercession of St. Peter, grateful for the restitution of his domain; in the comparison drawn by Adrian between Charlemagne and "the most God-fearing emperor Constantine the Great," who "out of his great liberality exalted the Church of God in Rome and gave her power in Hesperia [Italy]"--expressions which have caused a subordinate controversy as to whether the so-called Donation of Constantine (q.v.) is referred to. How far Adrian's consciousness of his own importance had grown is evident from the fact that while in the beginning of his reign he had dated his public documents by the years of the Greek emperors, from the end of 781 he dated them by the years of his own pontificate.
Charlemagne Again Helps. Yet Adrian could not afford to despise the Greeks; they joined the Lombard dukes of Benevento and Spoleto, and forced him once more to turn for help to Charlemagne, who made a short descent into Italy in 776, put down the revolt of the
duke of Friuli against both him and the pope, but did nothing more until 780. In 781 he visited Rome again when his sons were anointed as kings--Pepin of Italy and Louis of Aquitaine. Charlemagne came to Italy for the fourth time in 786 to crush Arichis of Benevento, and Adrian succeeded in obtaining from him additional territory in southern Italy. But various misunderstandings in Adrian's last years gave rise to a report that Charlemagne and Offa of Mercia had taken counsel together with a view to the pope's deposition. The iconoclastic controversy (see IMAGES AND IMAGE-WORSHIP, II., § 3) brought fresh humiliations from Charlemagne and from the Greek emperor Constantine VI. and his mother, the empress Irene. When the last-named was taking steps to restore the veneration of images in the Eastern Church she requested Adrian to be present in person at a general council soon to be held, or at least to send suitable legates (785). In his reply, after commending Irene and her son for their determination respecting the images, Adrian asked for a restitution of the territory taken from the Roman see by the iconoclastic emperor Leo III. in 732, as well as of its patriarchal rights in Calabria, Sicily, and the Illyrian provinces which Leo had suppressed. At the same time he renewed the protest made by Gregory the Great against the assumption of the title of universalis patriarcha by the Patriarch of Constantinople.
Council of Nicaea in 787. When, however, the council met at Nicaea in 787, while it removed the prohibition of images, it paid no attention to any of these demands. The acts of this council, which Adrian sent to Charlemagne in 790, provoked the emperor's vigorous opposition, and led ultimately to the drawing up of the Caroline Books (q.v.), in which the position of the Frankish Church with reference to both the Roman and the Greek was made plain, and the decisions of the Council of Nicaea were disavowed. Although Adrian, after receiving a copy, took up the defense of the council with vehemence, Charlemagne had the contention of the Caroline Books confirmed at the Synod of Frankfort in 794. It may, however, have been some consolation to Adrian's legates that the same synod publicly condemned Adoptionism (q.v.), against which the Roman as well as the Frankish Church had been struggling. Adrian died not long after (Dec.25, 795).
Throughout his long pontificate Adrian had been too exclusively dominated by the one idea of gaining as much advantage as possible in lands and privileges from the strife between the Franks and Lombards. He rendered no slight services to the city of Rome, rebuilding the walls and aqueducts, and restoring and adorning the churches. His was not a strong personality, however, and he never succeeded in exercising a dominant or even a strongly felt influence upon the policy of western Europe.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Vita Hadriani, in Liber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, i. 486-523; Einhard, Vita Caroli, in MGH, Script., ii. (1829) 426-463; Vita Caroli, ed. G. Waitz, in Script. rer. Germ., 4th ed., 1880; also in Jaffé, Regesta, iv., Eng. transl in Thatcher and McNeal, Source Book, pp. 38-45; Codicis Carolini epistolae, in Jaffé, l.c. iv. and in MPL, xcvi.; one of Adrian's letters, in verse. dated 774, in MGH, Poet. lat. aevi Caroli, i. (1881) 90-91; Jaffé, Regesta, i. 289-306, Leipsic, 1885; De sancto Hadriano papa I an III Nonantulae in editione Mutinensi, in ASB, July, viii. 643-649; P. T. Hald, Donatio Caroli Magni, Copenhagen, 1836; T. D. Mack, De donatione a Carolo Magno, Münster, 1861; J. Ficker, Forschungen zur Reichs- und Rechts-Geschichte Italiens, ii. 329 sqq., 347 sqq., Innsbruck, 1869; A. O. Legge, Growth of the Temporal Power of the Papacy, London, 1870; W. Wattenbach, Geschichte des römischen Papstthums, pp.47 sqq., Berlin, 1876; O. Kuhl, Der Verkehr Karls des Grossen mit Papst Hadrian I.. Königsberg, 1879; R. Genelin, Das Schenkungs-versprechen und die Schenkung Pippins, Vienna, 1880; W. Martens, Die römische Frage unter Pippin und Karl dem Grossen, pp.129 sqq., 368-387, Stuttgart, 1881; idem, Die Besetzung des päpstlichen Stuhles unter den Kaisern Heinrich III. und IV., Freiburg, 1886; idem, Beleuchtung der neuesten Kontroversen uber die römische Frage unter Pippin und Karl dem Grossen, Munich, 1898; H. von Sybel, Die Schenkungen der Karolinger an die Papste, in Kleine historische, Schriften, iii. 65-115, Stuttgart, 1881; Liber Pontificalis , ed. Duchesne, i., pp. ccxxxiv.-cxliii., Paris, 1884; J. von Pflugk-Harttung, Acta, pontificum Romanorum inedita, ii. 22 sqq., Stuttgart, 1884; P. Scheffer-Boichorst, Pippins und Karls des Grossen Schenkungs-versprechung, pp. 193-212. Innsbruck, 1884; L. von Ranke, Welgeschichte, V., part 1, p.117, Leipsic, 1885; S. Abel, Jahrbucher des frankischen Reiches unter Karl dem Grossen, i. 788-788, Leipsic, 1883 (and ii. 789-814, by B. Simson, 1888), and for donation of Charlemagne, ib. i. 159 sqq.; P. Kehr, Die sogenannte karolingischen Schenkung von 774, in Sybel's Historieche Zeitschrift, lxx. (new ser., 1893) xxxiv. 385-441; Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, vol. iii.; Eng. transl., vol v.; Hauck, KD, vol. ii.; Mann, Popes, I., vol. ii. 395-497.
Adrian II.: Pope 867-872. He was the son of Talarus, of a Roman family which had already produced two popes, Stephen IV. (768-772) and Sergius II. (844-847). He was a married man before entering the clerical state. Gregory IV. made him a cardinal. His great benevolence won the hearts of the Romans, and he twice refused the papacy, after the death of Leo IV. (855) and of Benedict III. (858). A unanimous choice by both clergy and people, however, forced him at the age of seventy-five to accept it in succession to Nicholas I. (d. Nov.13, 867). The election was confirmed by Emperor Louis II., and Adrian's consecration followed on Dec.14.
Forces Lothair II. To Take Back His Wife. His predecessor had left him a number of unfinished tasks. In the first place, it was necessary to arrive at a final decision concerning a matter which had long and deeply troubled the Frankish Church; namely, the matrimonial relations of King Lothair II. Adrian firmly insisted that Lothair should take back his legitimate wife Thietberga, at the same time releasing his mistress Walrade from the excommunication pronounced against her by Nicholas, at the request of Louis II., on condition that she should have nothing more to do with Lothair. The last-named visited Rome in 869 for the purpose of gaining the pope's consent to his divorce from Thietberga. Adrian promised no more than to call a new council to investigate the matter, but restored Lothair to communion after he had sworn that he had obeyed the command of Nicholas I. to break off his relations with Walrade. The king's sudden death at Piacenza on his homeward journey, a few weeks later, was considered to be a divine judgment. The efforts of the pope to enforce the claim of Louis II. to Lorraine were fruitless; immediately after Lothair's death his uncle, Charles the Bald, had himself crowned at Metz, though less than a year later he was forced by his brother, Louis the German, to divide the inheritance of Lothair in the treaty of Meersen (Aug. 8, 870).
Opposed by Hincmar of Reims. Adrian's attempts to interfere in Frankish affairs were stubbornly resisted by Hincmar of Reims (q.v.), who wrote (Epist., xxvii.), ostensibly as the opinions of certain men friendly to the West-Frankish king, that a pope could not be bishop and king at one and the same time; that Adrian's predecessors had claimed to decide in ecclesiastical matters only; and that he who attempted to excommunicate a Christian unjustly deprived himself of the power of the keys. When a synod at Douzy near Sedan (Aug., 871) ex-communicated Bishop Hincmar of Laon on grave charges brought against him both by the king and by his own uncle, the more famous Hincmar, the pope allowed an appeal to a Roman council, and brought upon himself in consequence a still sterner warning from Charles the Bald by the pen of Hincmar of Reims (MPL, cxxiv. 881-896), with a threat of his personal appearance in Rome. Adrian executed an inglorious retreat. He wrote to Charles praising him for his virtues and his benefits to the Church, promised him the imperial crown on Louis's death, and offered the soothing explanation that earlier less pacific letters had been either extorted from him during sickness or falsified. In the matter of Hincmar of Laon, he made partial concessions, which were completed by his successor, John VIII.
Conflict with Photius. Another conflict which Nicholas I. had left to Adrian, that with Photius, patriarch of Constantinople, seemed likely to have a happier issue, when Photius was condemned first by a Roman synod (June 10, 869), and then by the general council at Constantinople in the same year, the papal legates taking a position which seemed to make good the claims of the Roman see. But Emperor Basil the Macedonian dealt these claims a severe blow when he caused the envoys of the Bulgarians (see BULGARIANS, CONVERSION OF THE) to declare to the legates that their country belonged to the patriarchate not of Rome, but of Constantinople. Adrian's protests were in vain; a Greek archbishop appeared among the Bulgarians, and the Latin missionaries had to give place. Moravia, on the other hand, was firmly attached to Rome, Adrian allowing the use of a Slavic liturgy, and naming Methodius archbishop of Sirmium. After a pontificate marked principally by defeat, Adrian died between Nov.13 and Dec.14, 872.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: The Letters of Adrian in Mansi, Collectio, xv.. 819-820; in MPL, cxxii., cxxix., and in Bouquet, Recuei1, vol. vii.; Vita Hadriani II., in Liber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, ii. 173-174, and in L. A. Muratori, Rerum Itali-carum Scriptores, III. ii. 306, 25 vol., Milan, 1723-51; Ado, Chronicon, in MGH, , Script., i. (1826) 315-326; idem, in MPL, cxxiii.; Annales Fuldenses, in MGH, Script., i. (1826) 375-395, and separately in Script. rer. Germ., ed. F. Kurze, Hanover, 1891; Hincmar, Annales, in MGH, Script., i. (1826) 455-515, and in MPL, cxxv.; Hincmar, Epistolae, in MPL, cxxiv., cxxvi.; Regino, Chronicon, in MGH, Script., i. (1826) 580 sqq.; idem, in MPL, cxxxii (separately ed. F. Kurse, Hanover, 1890); P. Jaffé, Regesta, i. 368, 369, Leipsic, 1885; Bower, Popes, ii. 267-282; F. Maassen, Eine Rede des Papstes Hadrian II. von Jahre 869, die erste umfassende Benutzung der falschen Decretalen, in Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie, ixxii. (1872) 521; Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, vol. iv.; P. A. Lapotre, Hadrian II. et les fausses decretales, in Revue des questions historiques, xxvii. (1880) 377 sqq.; B. Jungmann, Dissertationes selectae in hist. eccl., iii, Ratisbon, 1882; Milman, Latin Christianity, iii. 35-80; H. Schrors, Hinkmar, Freiburg, 1884; J. J. Bohmer, Regesta inperii, I. Die Regesten des Kaiserreichs unter den Karolingern, pp. 751-918; idem, ed. E. Muhlbacher, i. 460 sqq., Innsbruck, 1889; Hauck, KD, ii. 557 sqq., 699-700; J. Langen, Geschichte der römischen Kirche von Nikolaus I. bis Gregor VII., pp.113-170, Bonn, 1892; E. Muhlbacher, Deutsche Geschichte unter den Karolingern, 1896; E. Dummler. Über eine Synodalrede Papst Hadrians II., Berlin, 1899; Treaty of Meersen , Eng. transl. in Thatcher and McNeal, Source Book, pp.64-65.
Adrian III.: Pope 884-885. He was a Roman by birth, the son of Benedict. The story of severe punishments inflicted by him points to revolts in the city during his rule. The assertion of the untrustworthy Martinus Polonus that he decreed that a newly elected pope might proceed at once to consecration without waiting for imperial confirmation, and that the imperial crown should thenceforth be worn by an Italian prince, are confirmed by no contemporary evidence. He died near Modena Aug., 885, on his way to attend a diet at Worms on the invitation of Charles the Fat, and was buried at Nonantula. [He was the first pope to change his name on election, having previously been called Agapetus.]
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Epistola, in Bouquet, Recueil, ix. 200. and in MPL, cxxvi.; Bulla anni 885, in Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft fur a.d. Geschichte. xi. (1885) 374,376; Vita, in Liber Pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, ii. (1892) 225, and in L. A. Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores. III. ii. 440-446, 25 vols., Milan, 1723-51; Annales Fuldenses, in MGH, Script, i. (1826) 375-395 (separately in Script rer. Germ., ed. F. Kurze, Hanover, 1891); Chronica Benedicti, in MGH, Script., iii. (1839) 199; J. M. Watterich, Pontificum Romanorum vitae, i. 29, 650, 718, Leipsic. 1862; P. Jaffé, Regesta, i. 426-427; Bower. Popes, ii. 293-294; R. Baxmann, Die Politik der Papste von Gregor I.. bis auf Gregor VII., ii. 60 sqq., Elberfeld, 1869; E. Dummler, Geschichte des Ostfrankischen Reiches, ii. 247, 248. Berlin, 1888; J. Langen, Geschichte der rornischen Kirche von Nikolaus I. bis Gregor VII., pp.298 sqq., Bonn, 1892; T.R. v. Sickel, Die Vita Hadriani Nonantulana und die Diurnus Handschrift, in Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für a. d. Geschichte, xviii. (1892) 109-133.
Adrian IV. (Nicholas Breakspeare; the only Englishman in the list of the popes): Pope 1154-59. He was born in England about the beginning of the twelfth century. He went to France as a boy, studied at Paris and Arles, enduring severe privations, and finally settled down in the monastery of St. Rufus near Avignon. Here he became prior, then abbot (1137), but met with bitter opposition from the monks when he attempted to introduce reforms. Eugenius III. made him cardinal bishop of Albano, and chose him (1152) for the difficult mission of regulating the relations of Norway and Sweden to the archbishopric of Lund. Returning to Rome, he was welcomed with high honors by Anastasius IV., whom he succeeded on Dec. 4, 1154.
Arnold of Brescia and Frederick Barbarossa. His first troubles came through Arnold of Brescia (q.v.), who, besides his ethical opposition to the hierarchy, aimed at reestablishing the ancient sovereignty of Rome and its independence of the papal see. Adriari strove to secure Arnold's banishment, and succeeded in 1155 only by pronouncing an interdict on the city. He made Arnold's capture and delivery to the ecclesiastical authorities a condition of crowning Frederick Barbarossa, who thus sacrificed a man who might have been a powerful auxiliary in his confiicts with this very pope. The first meeting between Frederick and Adrian (June 9, 1155) was marked by friction; but Frederick managed, in return for substantial concessions, to secure his coronation nine days later. The Romans, however, whose subjection to the papal see the new emperor had promised to enforce, refused their recognition; and when Frederick left Rome, the pope and cardinals accompanied him, practically as fugitives. Frederick had also promised to subdue William I. of Sicily, and was inclined to carry out his promise, but the pressure of the German princes forced him to recross the Alps.
William I. of Sicily. Adrian then attempted to pursue his conflict with William, and, by the aid of the latter's discontented vassals, forced him to offer terms. When, however, these were not accepted the king rallied his forces, the tide turned, and Adrian was obliged to grant his opponent the investiture of Sicily, Apulia, and Capua, and to renounce important ecclesiastical prerogatives in Sicily (Treaty of Benevento June, 1156). In consequence of this settlement, he was enabled to return to Rome at the end of the year, but the emperor resented this apparent desertion of their alliance, as well as the injury to his suzerainty by the papal investiture. An open breach came when, at the Diet of Besançon, in Oct., 1157, the papal legates (one of them the future Alexander III.) delivered a letter from their chief which spoke of the conferring of the imperial crown by the ambiguous term beneficium. The chancellor, Reginald, archbishop of Cologne, in his German rendering, gave it the sense of a fief of the papal see; and the legates thought it prudent to leave the assembly and retreat speedily to Rome.
Rebuffed by Frederick Barbarossa. Imperial letters spread the same indignation among the people; and when Adrian required the prelates of Germany to obtain satisfaction from Frederick for his treatment of the legates, he was met by the decided expression of their disapproval of the offending phrase. Adrian's position was rendered more difficult by the appearance of a Greek expedition in Italy and by a revolt in Rome; he offered the concession of a brief in which he explained the objectionable word in the innocent sense of "benefit." Frederick took this as a confession of weakness, and when he crossed the Alps to subdue the Lombard towns (1158), he required an oath of fealty to himself, as well as substantial support from the Italian bishops. Attaining the summit of his power with the conquest of Milan in September, two months later he had the imperial rights solemnly declared by the leading jurists of Bologna. This declaration constituted him the source of all secular power and dignity, and was a denial equally of the political claims of the papacy and of the aspirations of the Lombard towns. The breach with Adrian was still further widened by his hesitation to confirm the imperial nomination to the archbishopric of Ravenna; and an acute crisis was soon reached. An exchange of communications took place, whose manner was intended on both sides to be offensive; and Frederick was roused to a higher pitch of anger when the papal legates, besides accusing him of a breach of the treaty of Constance, demanded that he should thenceforth receive no oath of fealty from the Italian bishops, that he should either restore the inheritance of Countess Matilda, Spoleto, Sardinia, Corsica, Ferrara, etc., to the Roman see, or pay a tribute for those lands, and that he should recognize the right of the successor of St. Peter to complete and unlimited dominion in Rome. These claims he met by declaring roundly that on any strict interpretation of his rights the pope also would be bound to take the oath of fealty, and that all the latter's possessions were but imperial domains held in consequence of Sylvester's investiture by Constantine.
Impending Conflict Stopped by Adrian's Death. Both the opponents sought for allies in the impending struggle. Adrian, who was the sworn foe of the Roman republic and its liberties, joined hands with the Lombard communes who were struggling for their own. The emperor, who was doing his best to abolish communal liberty in the north of Italy, aided the Romans to uphold the principles of Arnold of Brescia. Adrian was already taking counsel with the cardinals as to the advisability of pronouncing a sentence of excommunication against Frederick when death overtook him at Anagni Sept. 1, 1159.
Adrian was a ruler who grasped clearly the ideal of a papacy striving for universal domination, and contended passionately for its accomplishment; but John of Salisbury (who, as ambassador of the king of England, had opportunity to study him at close range) records that there were moments when the terrible burden of his office weighed almost unbearably upon him.
BIBLIORAPHY: Epistolae et privilegia, in Bouquet, Recueil, xv. 666-693; idem, in MPL, clxxxviii.; Bullae, in Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für a. d. Geschichte, ii. (1876) 211-213, xv. (1889) 203-206; Vita, in Liber Pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, 1892, ii. 388 sqq.; Otto of Frisengen, Gesta Friderici I., in MGH, Script., xx. (1868) 403 sqq.; Radericus of Frisengen, Continuatio (of Otto's Gesta), ib. pp. 454 sqq.; Jaffé, Regesta, i.; J. M. Watterich, Romanorum pontificum vitae, i. 323-336, Leipsic, 1823; Bower. Popes, 1845, ii. 487-502; R. Raby, Historical Sketch of Pope Adrian IV., London, 1849; H. Reuter, Geschichte Alexander's III., vol. i., Leipsic, 1860; Fr. v. Raumer, Geschichte der Hohenstaufen, ii., ib. 1871; Milman, Latin Christianity, London, 1883; DNB, i. 143-146; Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, v. .527-566; J. Langen, Geschichte der römischen Kirche von Gregor VII bis Innocenz III., pp. 417-438, Bonn, 1893; Eng. transl. of Letter to Barbarossa (Sept. 20, 1157), Manifesto of Frederick I., Letter to the German Bishops and their Letter to Adrian, and Letter to the Emperor (Feb., 1158), in E. F. Henderson, Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages, London, 1892; J. Jastrow and G. Winter, Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Hohenstaufen, vol. i., Stuttgart, 1897; S. Malone, Adrian IV. and Ireland, London, 1899; O. J. Thatcher, Studies Concerning Adrian IV., Chicago, 1903; Hauck, KD, iv. 35, 199-227; Eng. transl. of Treaty of Constance, Stirrup Episode, Treaty of Adrian IV. and William of Sicily, Letters of Adrian (1157-58), and Manifesto of Frederick I., in O. J. Thatcher and E. H. McNeal, Source Book for Mediaeval History, New York, 1905.
Adrian V. (Ottobuono de' Fieschi): Pope 1276. He was the nephew of Innocent IV., and as cardinal deacon had been sent to England by Clement IV. to mediate between Henry III. and his barons. He was elected July 12, 1276, in a conclave on which Charles of Anjou had enforced all the rigor of the regulations of Gregory X.; and one of Adrian's first acts was to abrogate them as oppressive to the cardinals. Before he could promulgate any new system, however, and even before he had been ordained priest, he died at Viterbo Aug.18, 1276.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Chroust, Ein Brief Hadrians V., in Neues Archiv der Gescllschaft für a. d. Geschichte, xx. (1894) 233 sqq.; Bower, Popes, iii. 24; A. Potthast, Regesta pontificum Romanorum, ii. 1709, Berlin, 1875; Milman, Latin Christianity, vi. 134.
Adrian VI. (Adrian Rodenburgh or Dedel, more probably the latter): Pope 1522-23. He was born in Utrecht, was educated by the Brethren of the Common Life and at Louvain, and became professor and vice-chancellor of the university. During this period he composed several theological writings, including a commentary on the Sententiae of Peter Lombard. In 1507 Emperor Maximilian I. appointed him tutor to his grandson, Charles of Spain, and in 1515 Ferdinand the Catholic made him bishop of Tortosa. In 1517 he was created cardinal by Leo X. When Charles was made German emperor and went to the Netherlands in 1520, he appointed Adrian regent of Spain. In 1522 the cardinals almost unanimously elected him pope.
Friend of Reform. The vexation of the Romans at the choice of a German, moreover a very simple man who was not inclined to continue the splendid traditions of the humanistic popes, lasted during his entire pontificate; more serious minds, however, looked forward to his reign with hope. In spite of the fact that he consented to the condemnation of Luther's writings by the Louvain theologians, and although as inquisitor-general he had shown no clemency, yet Erasmus saw in him the right pilot of the Church in those stormy times, and hoped that he would abolish many abuses in the Roman court. Luis de Vives addressed Adrian with his proposals for reform; and Pirkheimer complained to him of the opposition of the Dominicans to learning. Even in the college of cardinals, the few who favored a reformation looked up to him hopefully, and Aegidius of Viterbo (q.v.) transmitted to him a memorial which described the corruption of the Church and discussed the means of redress.
Adrian fulfilled these expectations. Concerning indulgences he even endeavored to find a way which might lead to a reconciliation with Luther's conception, viz., to make the effect of the indulgence dependent on the depth of repentance on evidence of it in a reformed life. But here Cardinal Cajetan asserted that the authority of the pope would suffer, since the chief agent would no longer be the pope, but the believer, and the majority agreed with the cardinal. Nothing was done in the matter, no dogma was revised, and the complaints of the Germans increased. Nevertheless, Adrian simplified his household, moneys given for Church purposes were no longer used for the support of scholars and artists, he sought to reform the abuse of pluralities, and opposed simony and nepotism. His effort to influence Erasmus to write against Luther and to bring Zwingli by a letter to his side shows his attitude toward the Reformation in Germany and Switzerland.
His Confession. When the diet at Nuremberg was opened in Dec., 1522, he complained in a brief of the rise of heresy in Germany and asked the diet, since mild measures could not be effectual, to employ the means formerly used against Huss. But in his instructions to his legate at the diet, Bishop Chieregati, he took a different tone, and acknowledged that "wantonness," "abuses," and "excesses" were found at the curia. This is the only instance where such a confession received official sanction. An answer was prepared by a committee, which took notice of the confession, refused to execute the edict of Worms before an improvement was visible, and asked for the meeting of a council in a German city, promising to prevent Luther from publishing his polemical writings and to see to it that the preachers proclaimed the pure gospel, but "according to the teaching and interpretation of the Scriptures approved and revered by the Christian Church." Chieregati accepted neither this nor any other answer, but left Nuremberg in haste. In strict papal circles Adrian's confession has not yet been forgiven. He died at Rome Sept.14, 1523.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: P. Burmannus, Hadrianus VI. sive analecta historica, . . . Utrecht, 1727; G. Moringus, Vita Hadriani VI., Louvain, 1536; Bower, Popes, iii. 299-302; L. P. Gachard, Correspondance de Charles V. et d'Adrien VI., Brussels, 1859; J. 8. Brewer, Letters and Papers ... of the Reign of Henry VIII., 4 vols., London, 1862-1901 (especially Vol. iii.); G. A. Bergenroth, Calendar . . . relating to the Negotiations between England and Spain, ii., London, 1866; idem, Supplement to vols. i. and ii. (1868); M. Broseh, Geschichte des Kirchenstaates, vol. i., Hamburg, 1880; C. v. Höfler, Papst Hadrian VI., Vienna, 1880; A. Lapitre, Adrien VI., Paris, 1880; L. v. Ranke. Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation, ii., Leipsic, 1880; idem, Die römischen Päpste, i., ib. 1889; Eng. transl., i. 71-74, London, 1896; Milman, Latin Christianity; Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, ix. 271-299; Creighton, Papacy, vi. 214-273.